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“We 


1b  our  Fallen’  House. 


#§ 


speec K 


HON.  BENJAMIN  H.  HILL 

O F GEORGIA, 


ON  THE 


GENERAL  AMNESTY  BILL. 


Delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives  January  11,  1876. 


• - 


WASHINGTON: 

CUNNINGHAM  & BRA9HEARS  PRINTERS. 

1876, 


I 


3^  1.  "SI 

V\  5S-u- 


SPEECH. 


The  House  having  under  consideration  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  214)  to  remove  th*.  • 

Mr.  HILL  said : 

1^ssisrsrsats. 

S S*5  «W=&  ASHraSBES 

g^^S&3£&82!£ 

■SiiSIlli |pi§ 

iisipspssiiliiii 

^isssss 


4 


man  from  Maine  has  moved  a reconsideration  of  the  vote  by  which  it  was  rejected, 
avowing  his  purpose  to  be  to  offer  an  amendment.  The  main  purpose  of  that 
amendment  is  to  except  from  the  operation  of  the  bill  one  of  the  citizens  of  this 
country,  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis. 

He  alleges  two  distinct  reasons  why  he  asks  the  House  to  make  that  exception. 
I will  state  those  reasons  in  the  gentleman’s  own  language.  First,  he  says  that 
“Mr.  Davis  was  the  author,  knowingly,  deliberately,  guiltily,  and  willfully,  of  the 
gigantic  murder  and  crime  at  Anderson ville.”  That  is  a grave  indictment.  He 
then  characterizes  in  his  second  position  what  he  calls  the  horrors  of  Andersonville. 
And  he  says  of  them  : 

And  I hear,  before  God.  measuring  my  words,  knowing  their  full  extent  and  import,  declare  that 
neither  the  deeds  of  the  Duke  of  Alva  in  the  Low  countries,  nor  the  massacre  of  Saint  Bartholomew, 
nor  the  thumb-screws  and  engines  of  torture  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition,  begin  to  compare  in 
atrocity  with  the  hideous  crimes  of  Andersonville. 

Sir,  he  stands  before  the  country  with  his  very  fame  in  peril  if  he,  having  made 
such  charges,  shall  not  sustain  them.  Now  I take  up  the  propositions  of  the  gentle- 
man in  their  order.  I hope  no  gentleman  imagines  that  I am  here  to  pass  in  eulogy 
upon  Mr.  Davis.  The  record  upon  which  his  fame  must  rest  has  been  made  up,  and 
he  and  his  friends  have  transmitted  that  record  to  the  only  judge  who  will  give  him 
an  impartial  j udgment — an  honest,  unimpassioned  posterity.  In  the  meantime,  no 
eulogy  from  me  can  help  him,  no  censure  from  the  gentleman  can  damage  him,  and 
no  act  or  resolution  of  this  House  can  affect  him.  But  the  charge  is  that  he  is  a 
murderer,  and  a deliberate,  wilful,  guilty,  scheming  murderer  of  “thousands  of  our 
fellow-citizens.”  Why,  sir,  knowing  the  character  of  the  honorable  gentleman 
from  Maine,  his  high  reputation,  when  l heard  the  charge  fall  from  his  lips  I thought 
surely  the  gentleman  had  made  a recent  discovery,  and  I listened  for  the  evidence 
to  justify  that  charge.  He  produced  it ; and  what  is  it?  To  my  utter  amazement, 
as  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Kelley]  has  well  stated,  it  is  nothing  on 
earth  but  a report  of  a committee  of  this  Congress,  made  when  passions  were  at 
their  height,  and  it  was  known  to  the  gentleman  and  to  the  whole  country  eight 
years  ago. 

Now,  I say  first  in  relation  to  that  testimony  that  it  is  exclusively  ex  parte.  It 
was  taken  when  the  gentleman  who  is  now  put  upon  trial  by  it  before  the  country 
was  imprisoned  and  in  chains,  without  a hearing  and  without  an  opportunity  to  be 
heard.  It  was  taken  by  enemies.  It  was  taken  in  the  midst  of  fury  and  rage.  If 
there  is  anything  in  Anglo-Saxon  law  which  ought  to  be  considered  sacred,  it  is  the 
high  privilege  ot  an  Englishman  not  to  be  condemned  until  he  shall  be  confronted 
with  the  witnesses  against  him.  But  that  is  not  all.  The  testimony  produced  by 
the  gentleman  is  not  only  ex  parte , not  only  exclusively  the  production  of  enemies, 
or  at  least  taken  by  them  and  in  the  midst  of  passion,  but  the  testimony  is  mutilated, 
ingeniously  mutilated,  palpably  mutilated,  most  adroitly  mutilated.  Why,  sir,  one 
of  the  main  witnesses  is  Dr.  Joseph  Jones,  a very  excellent  gentleman,  who  was 
called  upon  to  give  his  testimony  in  what  is  called  the  Wirz  trial,  and  which  is  pro- 
duced before  this  House  and  attention  called  to  it  by  the  gentleman.  The  object  of 
the  gentleman  was  to  prove  that  Mr.  Davis  knew  of  these  atrocities  at  Anderson- 
ville, and  he  calls  the  attention  of  the  House  to  the  report  of  this  committee,  and 
thanks  God  that  it  has  been  taken  in  time  to  be  put  where  it  can  neither  be  contradicted 
nor  gainsaid,  as  a perpetual  guide  to  posterity  to  find  out  the  authors  of  these  crimes. 

One  of  the  most  striking  and  remarkable  pieces  of  evidence  in  this  whole  report 
is  found  in  the  report  made  by  Dr.  Jones,  a surgeon  of  fine  character,  and  sent  to 
Andersonville  by  the  confederate  authorities  to  investigate  the  condition  of  that 
prison.  That  gentleman  made  his  report,  and  it  is  brought  into  this  House.  What 
is  it?  The  first  point  is  as  to  the  knowledge  of  this  report  going  to  anjr  of  the 
authorities  at  Richmond.  Here  is  what  Dr.  Jones  says  : 

I had  just  completed  the  report,  which  I placed  in  the  hands  of  the  judge  advocate,  under  orders 
from  the  Government,  when  the  confederacy  went  to  pieces.  That  report  never  was  delivered  to 
the  surgeon  general,  and  I was  unaware  that  anyone  knew  of  its  existence  until  I received  orders 
jrom  the  United  States  Government  to  bring  it  and  deliver  it  to  this  court  in  testimony. 

Now,  he  was  ordered  by  the  United  States  Government,  the  first  time  this  report 
ever  saw  the  light,  to  bring  it  and  deliver  it  on  the  trial  of  Wirz.  In  accordance  with 
that  order  he  did  bring  it  and  deliver  it  to  the  Judge-Advocate-General.  And  when 
the  report  itself,  or  that  which  purported  to  be  the  report,  was  presented  to  him 
while  he  was  a witness  he  discovered  that  it  was  mutilated,  and  he  asked  permission 
to  state  that  fact.  Hear  what  he  says  on  that  subject : 

I beg  leave  to  make  a statement  to  the  court.  That  portion  of  my  report  which  has  been  read 
is  only  a small  part  of  the  report.  The  real  report  contains  the  excuses  which  were  given  by  the 


5 


officers  present  at  Andersonville,  which  I thought  it  right  to  embody  with  my  report.  It  also  con- 
tains documents  forwarded  to  Richmond  by  Dr.  White  and  Dr.  Stevenson,  and  others  in  charge  of 
the  hospitals.  Those  documents  contained  important  facts  as  to  the  labors  of  the  medical  depart- 
ment and  their  efforts  to  better  the  condition  of  things. 

All  that  part  of  the  report  is  suppressed  , and  with  that  suppression  this  magnifi- 
cent receptacle  of  truth  is  tiled  away  in  the  document-room  for  the  information  ot  pos- 
terity. 

The  committee  ask  him  : 

Question.  Are  your  conclusions  correctly  stated  in  this  extract? 

Answer.  Part  of  my  conclusions  are  stated — not  the  whole.  A portion  of  my  conclusions, 
and  also  my  recommendations,  are  not  stated. 

Q.  Wt-11,  touching  the  subject  of  exchange? 

A.  Yes,  sir;  the  genera  difficulties  environing  the  prisomrs  and  the' r officers. 

Q.  What  became  of  your  original  report? 

A.  This  is  my  original  report. 

That  is,  he  had  there  the  extract  as  far  as  it  went. 

Q.  Did  you  make  this  extract  yourself  ? 

The  committee  seem  to  suspect  that  he  was  the  man  that  simply  made  the  extract 
and  brought  it  before  the  committee.  Now,  here  is  his  answer  : 

I ‘did  not.  My  original  re port  is  in  the  hands  of  the  judge-advocate.  I delivered  it  into  his 
hands  immediately  upon  my  arrival  in  Washington. 

And  this  committee  of  Congress  to  which  the  gentleman  refers  absolutely  tells 
us  that  this  mutilated  report  was  the  one  introduced  in  evidence  against  this  man 
Wirz,  and  it  is  the  one  incorporated  in  this  book. 

Now  I want  to  call  attention  to  another  extract  from  that  original  report — a part 
not  included  in  this  book.  There  are  a great  many  such  omissions ; I have  not  been 
able  to  get  all  of  them. 

Dr.  Jones  in  Ills  report  is  giving  an  account  of  the  causes  of  the  sickness  and 
mortality  at  Anderson  ville ; and  he  says,  among  other  things  : 

Surrounded  by  these  depressing  agents,  the  postponement  of  the  general  exchange  of  prisoners 
and  the  constantly  receding  hopes  of  deliverance  through  the  action  of  their  own  Government,  de- 
pressed their  already  desponding  spirits  and  destroyed  those  mental  and  moral  enei’gies  so  neces- 
sary for  a successful  struggle  against  disease  and  its  agents.  Homesickness  and  disappointment, 
mental  depression  and  distress,  attending  the  daily  longing  for  an  apparently  hopeless  release,  are. 
felt  to  be  as  potent  agencies  in  the  destruction  of  these  prisoners  as  the  physicaltcauses  of  actual 
disease. 

Ah!  why  that  homesickness,  that  longing  and  the  distress  consequent  upon  it, 
and  its  effect  in  carrying  those  poor,  brave,  unfortunate  heroes  to  death?  1 will 
tell  this  house  before  I am  done. 

Now,  sir,  there  is  another  fact.  Wirz  was  put  on  trial,  but  really  Mr.  Davis  was 
the  man  intended  to  be  tried  through  him.  Over  one  hundred  and  sixty  witnesses' 
were  introduced  before  the  military  commission.  The  trial  lasted  three  months.  The 
whole  country  was  under  military  despotism ; citizens  labored  under  duress ; and 
quite  a large  number  of  confederates  were  seeking  to  make  favor- with  the  powers  of 
the  Government.  Yet,  sir,  during  those  three  months,  with  all  the  witnesses  they 
could  bring  to  Washington,  not  one  single  man  ever  mentioned  the  name  of  Mr. 
Davis  in  connection  with  a single  atrocity  at  Anderson  ville  or  elsewhere.  The 
gentleman  from  Maine,  with  all  his  research  into  all  the  histories  of  the  Duke  of  Alva 
and  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew  and  the  Spanish  inquisition,  has  not  been  able 
to  frighten  up  such  a witness  yet. 

Now,  sir,  there  is  a witness  on  this  subject.  Wirz  was  condemned,  found  guilty, 
sentenced  to  be  executed ; and  T have  now  before  me  the  written  statement  of  his 
counsel,  a northern  man  and  a Union  man.  He  gave  this  statement  to  the  country, 
and  it  has  never  been  eolitradicted. 

Hear  what  this  gentleman  says  : 

On  the  night  before  the  execution  of  the  prisoner  Wirz  a telegram  was  sent  to  the  northern 
press  from  this  city  stating  that  Wirz  had  made  important  disclosures  to  General  L.  C.  Baker,  the 
well-known  detective,  implicating  Jefferson  Davis,  and  that  the  confession  would  probably  be 
given  to  the  public.  On  the  same  evening  some  parties  came  to  he  confessor  of  Wirz,  Rev  Father 
Boyle,  and  also  t > me  as  his  counsel,  one  «f  them  iuforming  me  that  a high  Cabinet  officer  wished  to 
assure  Wirz  that  if  he  would  implicate  Jefferson  Davis  with  atrocities  committed  at  Andersonville 
his  sentence  would  be  commuted.  The  messenger  requested  me  to  inform  Wirz  of  this.  In  pres- 
ence of  Father  Boyle  I told  Wirz  next  morning  what  had  happened. 

Hear  the  reply : 

Captain  Wirz  simply  and  quietly  replied:  “Mr.  Schade,  you  know  that  1 have  always  told  you 
that  I do  not  know  anything  about  Jeiierson  Davis.  He  had  no  connection  with  me  as  to  what 
was  done  at  Andersonville.  I would  not  become  a traitor  against  him  or  anybody  else  even  to 
save  my  life.” 

Sir,  what  Wirz,  within  two  hours  of  his  execution,  would  not  say  for  his  life  the 
gentleman  from  Maine  says  to  the  country  to  keep  himself  and  his  party  in  power. 


6 


Christianity  is  a falsehood,  humanity  is  a lie,  civilization  is  a cheat,  or  the  man  who 
would  not  make  a false  charge  for  his  life  was  never  guilty  of  wilful  murder. 

He  who  makes  a charge  must  produce  his  witnesses.  They  must  be  informed 
witnesses.  They  must  be  creditable  witnesses.  The  gentleman  from  Maine  makes 
his  charge,  but  produces  lio  witnesses.  He  says  that  men  sent  by  Jefferson  Davis 
to  Andersonville  were  his  officers,  executing  his  orders,  commissioned  by  him,  and 
he  therefore  charges  Mr.  Davis  with  these  atrocities  by  inference.  It  was  only  when 
the  gentleman  reached  that  portion  of  his  argument  that  I thought  I began  to  dis- 
cover the  real  purpose  of  his  movement.  I will  not  charge  him  with  it,  but  a sug- 
gestion came  immediately  to  my  mind. 

What  was  the  proposition  which  the  gentleman  proposes  to  establish?  It  is 
that  those  high  in  authority  are  to  be  charged  with  the  sins  and  treacheries  of  their 
agents,  commissioned  by  them  and  acting  under  their  orders.  Is  the  gentleman 
artfully — I beg  pardon — under  the  cover  of  the  prejudice  and  passion  against  Jef- 
ferson Davis,  seeking  to  assault  President  Grant?  If  Jefferson  Davis  sent  Gen- 
eral Winder  to  Andersonville,  why  President  Grant  sent  McDonald  and  Joyce  to 
St.  Louis.  [Laughter.]  Nay,  more,  sir;  is  not  the  very  secretary  of  the  White 
House,  the  private  confidential  secretary,  indicted  to  day  for  complicity  in  these 
frauds?  Does  the  gentleman  want  to  establish  a rule  of  construction  by  which  he 
can  authorize  the  country  to  arraign  General  Grant  for  complicity  in  the  whisky 
frauds?  [Laughter.] 

Sir,  is  General  Grant  responsible  for  the  Credit  Mobilier?  Was  he  a stock- 
holder in  the  Sanborn  contracts?  Was  he  copartner  in  the  frauds  upon  this  Dis- 
trict ? With  all  his  witnesses,  the  gentleman  never  can  find  a single  man  who  was 
confidential  secretary  to  Mr.  Davis  and  charged  with  complicity  in  crime,  that  Mr. 
Davis  ever  indorsed  any  man  as  fit  for  office  who  was  even  gravely  charged  with 
any  complicity  in  fraud.  Yet  the  gentleman’s  President,  as  I understand  it, 
absolutely  sent  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  for  confirmation  to  a high  office 
the  very  man  who  stood  charged  before  the  country  with  the  grossest  pecula- 
tions and  frauds  in  this  District,  and  that,  too,  after  these  charges  were  made  and 
while  the  investigation  was  pending. 

Sir,  I am  neither  the  author  nor  the  disciple  of  such  political  logic.  And  I will 
not,  nor  would  I for  any  consideration,  assume  the  proposition  before  this  House 
to  punish  an  enemy  which  would  implicate  the  President  of  the  United  States  in 
the  grossest  frauds.  Yet  if  the  gentleman’s  proposition  be  true,  General  Grant, 
instead  of  being  entitled  to  a third'  Presidential  term,  is  entitled  to  twenty  terms 
in  twenty  penitentiaries.  But,  sir,  he  is  not  guilty.  The  argument  is  false.  It 
is  a liberupon  the  American  rule  of  law  and  English  precedent.  You  cannot  find 
its  precedent  anywhere  in  any  civilized  country.  I acquit  General  Grant  of  com- 
plicity in  the  whisky  frauds  and  revenue  frauds,  and  the  facts  acquit  Mr.  Davis  of 
complicity  in  any  atrocity  anywhere. 

How,  Mr.  Speaker,  I pass  from  the  construction  of  that  question  to  the  real  facts 
about  Andersonville.  First,  I want  to  call  the  attention  of  the  House  to  the  law 
of  the  Confederate  Government  on  the  subject  ^of  the  treatment  of  prisoners.  I 
read  from  the  act  of  the  Confederate  Congress  on  that  subject;  it  was  very  simple, 
and  directed — 

The  rations  furnished  prisoners  of  war  shall  be  the  same  in  quantity  and  quality  as  those  fur- 
nished to  enlisted  men  in  the  army  of  the  Confederacy, 

That  was  the  law;  that  was  the  law  Mr.  Davis  approved,  and  that  was  the  law 
that  he,-  so  far  as  his  agency  was  concerned,  executed. 

The  gentleman  in  his  speech  has  gone  so  far  as  to  say  that  Mr.  Davis  purposely 
sent  General  Winder  to  Andersonville  to  organize  a den  of  horrors  and  kill  Fed- 
eral soldiers.  I do  not  quote  exactly  his  language,  but  L know  it  is  “to  organize 
a den  of  horrors;”  but  I am  sure  I cannot  use  any  language  more  bitter  than  the 
gentleman  used  himself . Therefore  the  next  thing  1 shall  read  is  the  order  given 
for  the  purpose  of  locating  this  prison  at  Andersonville,  or  wherever  it  should  be 
properly  located.  The  official  order  for  the  location  of  the  stockade  enjoins  that 
it  should  be  in  a “healthy  locality,  .with,  plenty  of  pure  water,  with  a running 
stream,  and,  if  possible,  with  shade  trees,  and  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of 
grist  and  saw  mills.”  That  does  not  look  like  the  organization  of  a d’en  of  horrors 
to  commit  murder.  That  was  the  official  order.  That  was  not  all  These  pris- 
oners at  Andersonville  were  not  only  allowed  the  rations  measured  out  to  Confed- 
erate soldiers  both  in  quantity  and  quality  in  every  resepect,  but  they  were  allowed 
also  to  buy  as  much  outside  as  they  desired;  a privilege,  I am  reliably  informed, 
which  was  not  extended  to  many  of  the  Confederate  prisoners.  I do.  not  know 
bow  this  is. 


1 


I do  not  wish  to  charge  it  if  the  facts  were  otherwise.  But  in  the  book  which  the 
gentleman  from  Maine  himself  produces  we  find  this  testimony,  given  by  a Union 
soldier.  He  says : 

We  never  had  any  difficulty  in  getting  vegetables;  we  used  to  buy  almost  anything  that  we 
wanted  of  the  sergeant  who  called  the  roll  mornings  and  nights.  His  name  was  Smith,  I think: 
he  was  Captain  Wirz’s  chief  sergeant  . We  were  divided  into  messes,  eight  in  each  mess;  my 
mess  used  to  buy  from  two  to  four  bushels  of  sweet  potatoes  a week,  at  the  rate  of  $15  Confed- 
erate money  per  bushel. 

They  got  $20  of  Confederate  money  for  $1  of  greenbacks  in  those  days. 

Turnips  were  bought  at  $20  a bushel  We  had  to  buy  our  own  ooap  for  washing  our  own 
persons  and  clothing;  we  bought  meat  and  eggs  and  biscuit.  There  seemed  to  be  an  abundance 
of  those  things;  they  were  in  the  market  constantly.  That  sergeant  used  to  come  down  with  a 
wagon-load  of  potatoes  at  a time,  bringing  twenty  or  twenty-five  bushels  at  a load  sometimes. 

Now,  sir,  Mr.  Davis  himself  alluded  to  that  privilege  which  was  allowed  to 
the  Federal  soldiers.  The  Confederate  authorities  not  only  allowed  them  to  par 
chase  supplies  as  they  pleased  outside,  in  addition  to  the  rations  allowed  them  by 
law — the  same  rations  allowed  to  Confederate  soldiers — but  lie  says: 

By  an  indulgence  perhaps  unprecedented,  we  have  even  allowed  the  prisoners  in  our  hand  < to 
he  supplied  by  their  friends  at  home  with  comforts  not  enjoyed  by  the  men  who  captured  them  in 
battle, 

The  Confederate  Government  gave  Federal  prisoners  the  same  rations  the  Con- 
federate soldiers  in  the  field  received.  Federal  prisoners  had  permission  to  buy 
whatever  else  they  pleased,  and  the  Confederates  gave  their  friends  at  home  per- 
mission to  furnish  them  the  means  to  do  so  And  yet,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  is  true 
that,  in  spite  of  all  these  advantages  enjoyed  by  these  prisoners,  there  were  hor- 
rors, and  great  horrors,  at  Andersonville.  What  were  the  causes  of  those  hor- 
rors? The  first  was  want  of  medicine.  That  is  given  as  a cause  by  Dr.  Jones  in 
his  testimony;  that  is  given  by  this  very  Father  Hamilton,  from  whom  the 
gentleman  from  Maine  read.  In  the  very  same  testimony  which  the  gentleman 
read  Father  Hamilton  says: 

I conversed  with  Dr,  White  with  regard  to  the  condition  of  the  men,  and  he  told  me  it  was  not 
in  his  power  to  do  anything  for  them:  that  he  had  no  medicine,  and  could  not  get  any,  and  that  he 
was  doing  everything  in  his  power  to  help  them. 

Now,  how  was  it  that  medicines  and  other  essential  supplies  could  not  be  ob- 
tained? Unfortunately  they  were  not  in  the  Confederacy.  The  Federal  Govern- 
ment made  medicine  contraband  of  war.  And  I am  not  aware  that  any  other 
nation  on  the  earth  ever  did  such  a thing  before — not  even  the  Duke  of  Alva,  sir. 
The  Confederate  Government,  unable  to  introduce  medicine  according  to  its  right 
under  the  laws  of  nations,  undertook  to  run  the  blockade,  and  whenever  possible 
the  Federal  Navy  captured  its  ships  and  took  the  medicines.  Then,  when  no 
other  resource  was  left,  when  it  was  suspected  that  the  women  of  the  North — the 
earth’s  angels,  God  bless  them — would  carry  quinine  and  other  medicines  of  that 
sort,  so  much  needed  by  the  Federal  prisoners  in  the  South,  Federal  officers  were 
charged  to  capture  the  women  and  examine  their  petticoats,  to  keep  them  from 
carrying  medicines  to  Confederate  soldiers  and  to  Federal  prisoners,  and  they  were 
imprisoned.  Surely,  sir,  the' Confederate  Government  and  the  southern  people 
are  not  to  be  blamed  for  a poverty  in  medicines,  food,  and  raiment  enforced  bj^  the 
stringent  war  measures  of  the  Federal  Government — a poverty  which  had  its  in- 
tended eifect  of  immeasurable  distress  to  the  Confederate  armies,  although  it  inci- 
dentally inflicted  unavoidable  distress  upon  the  Federal  prisoners  in  the  South. 

The  Federal  Government  made  clothing  contraband  of  war.  It  sent  down  its 
armies  and  they  burned  up  the  factories  of  the  South  wherever  they  could  find 
them,  for  the  express  purpose  of  preventing  the  Confederates  from  furnishing 
clothing  to  their  soldiers,  and  the  Federal  prisoners  of  course  shared  this  depriva- 
tion of  comfortable  clothing.  It  was  the  war  policy  of  the  Federal  Government 
to  make  supplies  scarce.  Ur.  Jones  in  his  testimony  and  Father  Hamilton  in  his 
testimony,  which  I will  not  stop  to  read  to  the  House,  explained  why  clothing 
was  so  scarce  to  Federal  prisoners. 

Now  then,  sir,  whatever  horrors  existed  at  Andersonville,  not  one  of  them  could 
be  attributed  to  a single  act  of  legislation  of  the  Confederate  Government  or  to  a 
single  order  of  the  Confederate  Government,  but  every  horror  of  Andersonville 
grew  out  of  the  necessities  of  the  occasion,  which  necessities  were  cast  upon  the 
Confederacy  by  the  war  policy  of  the  other  side.  The  gentleman  from  Maine  said 
that  no  Confederate  prisoner  was  ever  maltreated  in  the  North.  And  when  my 
friend  answered  from  his  seat  “a  thousand  witnesses  to  the  contrary  in  Georgia 
alone,”  the  gentleman  from  Maine  joined  issue,  but  as  usuaDproduced  no  testi- 


8 


m©ny  in  support  of  his  issue.  I think  the  gentleman  from  Maine  is  to  be  ex- 
cused. For  ten  years  unfortunately  he  and  his  have  been  reviling  the  people 
who  were  not  allowed  to  come  here  to  meet  the  reviling.  Now,  sir,  we  are  face 
to  face,  and  when  you  make  a charge  you  must  bring  your  proof.  The  time  has 
passed  when  the  country  can  except  the  impudence  of  assertion  for  the  force  of 
argument  or  recklessness  of  statement  for  the  truth  of  history. 

Now,  sir,  I do  not  wish  to  unfold  the  chapter  on  the  other  side.  I am  an  Amer- 
ican. I honor  my  country,  and  my  whoie  country,  and  it  could  be  no  pleasure  to 
me  to  bring  forward  proof  that  any  portion  of  my  countrymen  have  been  guilty 
of  wilful  murder  or  of  cruel  treatment  to  poor  manacled  prisoners.  Nor  will  I 
make  any  such  charge.  These  horrors  are  inseparable,  many  of  them  and  most  of 
them  from  a state  of  war.  I hold  in  my  hand  a letter  written  by  one  who  was  a 
surgeon  at  the  prison  at  Elmira,  and  lie  says : 

The  winter  of  1864-1865,  was  an  unusually  severe  and  rigid  one,  and  the  prisoners  arriving 
from  the  Southern  States  during  this  season  were  mostly  old  men  and  lads,  clothed  in  attire  suit- 
able only  to  the  genial  climate  of  the  South.  I need  not  state  to  you  that  this  alone  was  ample 
cause  for  an  unusual  mortality  among  them.  The  surroundings  were  of  the  following  nature, 
namely:  narrow,  confined  limits,  but  a few  acres  in  extent — 

And  Anderson ville,  sir,  embraced  twenty-seven  acres. 

and  through  which  slowly  flowed  a turbid  stream  of  water,  carrying  along  with  it  all  the  excre- 
inental  filth  and  debris  of  the  camp;  this  stream  of  water,  horrible  to  relate,  was  the  only  source  of 
supply,  for  an  extended  period,  that  the  prisoners  could  possibly  use  for  the  purpose  of  ablution 
and  to  slack  their  thirst  from  day  to  day;  the  tents  and  other  shelter  allotted  to  the  camp  at  Elmira 
were  insufficient  and  crowded  to  the  utmost  extent;  hence  small-pox  and  other  skin  diseases  raged 
through  the  camp. 

Here  I may  note  that,  owing  to  a general  order  from  the  Government  to  vaccinate  the  prisoners, 
my  opportunities  were  ample  to  observe  the  effects  of  spurious  and  diseased  matter,  and  there  is 
no  doubt  in  my  mind  but  that  syphilis  was  ingrafted  in  many  instances;  ugly  and  horrible  ulcers 
and  eruptions  of  a characteristic  nature  were,  alas!  too  frequent  and  obvious  to  be  mistaken, 
small-pox  cases  were  crowded  in  such  a manner  that  it  was  a matter  of  impossibility  for  the  sur- 
geon to  treat  his  patient  individually;  they  actually  laid  so  adjacent  that  the  simple  movement  of 
one  would  cause  his  neighbor  to  cry  out  in  an  agony  of  pain.  The  confluent  and  malignant  type 
prevailed  to  such  an  extent  and  of  such  a nature  that  the  body  would  frequently  be  found  one  con- 
tinuous scab . 

The  diet  and  other  allowances  by  the  Government,  for  the  use  of  the  prisoners  were  ample,  yet 
the  poor  unfortunates  were  allowed  to  starve, 

Now,  sir,  the  Confederate  regulations  authorized  ample  provisions  for  Federal 
prisoners,  the  same  that  was  made  for  Confederate  soldiers,  and  you  charge  that 
Mr.  Davis  is  responsible  for  not  having  those  allowances  honestly  supplied.  The 
United  States  made  provisions  for  Confederate  prisoners,  so  far  as  rations  were 
concerned,  for  feeding  those  in  Federal  hands;  and  yet  what  says  the  surgeon? 
k ‘They  were  allowed  to  starve.” 

But  "why  ?”  is  a query  which  I will  allow  your  readers  to  infer  and  to  draw  conclusions  there- 
from. Out  of  the  number  of  prisoners,  as  before  mentioned,  over  three  thousand  of  them  now  lay 
buried  in  the  cemetery  located  near  the  camp  for  that  purpose— a mortality  equal  if  not  greater 
than  that  of  any  prison  in  the  South.  At  Andersonville,  as  I am  well  informed  by  brother-officers 
who  endured  confinement  there,  as  well  as  by  the  records  at  Washington,  the  mortality  was  twelve 
thousand  out  of,  say,  forty  thousand  prisoners.  Hence  it  is  readily  to  be  seen  that  the  range  of 
mortality  was  no  less  at  Elmira  than  at  Andersonville. 

Mr.  PLATT.  Will  the  gentlemen  allow  me  to  interrupt  him  a moment  to  ask 
him  where  he  gets  that  statement  ? 

Mr.  HILL.  It  is  the  statement  of  a Federal  surgeon  published  in  the- New  York 
World. 

Mr.  PLATT.  I desire  to  say  that  I live  within  thirty-six  miles  of  Elmira,  and 
that  those  statements  are  unqualifiedly  false. 

Mr.  HILL.  Yes,  and  I supposed  if  one  rose  from  the  dead  the  gentleman  would 
not  believe  him. 

Mr.  PLATT.  Does  the  gentleman  say  that  those  statements  are  true? 

Mr.  HILL.  Certainly  I do  not  say  that  they  are  true,  but  I do  say  that  I 
believe  the  statement  of  the  surgeon  in  charge  before  that  of  a politician  thirty-six 
miles  away.  Now  will  the  gentleman  believe  testimony  from  the  dead?  The  Bible 
says,  aThe  tree  is  known  by  its  fruits.”  And,  after  all,  what  is  the  test  of  suffer- 
ing of  these  prisoners  North  and  South?  The  test  is  the  result.  Now  I call  the 
attention  of  gentlemen  to  this  fact,  that  the  report  of  Mr.  Stanton,  the  Secretary  of 
War — you  will  believe  him,  will  you  not? — on  the  19th  of  July,  1866 — send  to  the 
Library  and  get  it — exhibits  the  fact  that  of  the  Federal  prisoners  in  confederate 
hands  during  the  war,  only  22,576  died,  while  of  the  confederate  prisoners  in  Federal 
hands  26,436  died.  And  Surgeon-General  Barnes  reports  in  an  official  report — I 
suppose  you  will  believe  him — that  in  round  numbers  the  confederate  prisoners  in 
Federal  hands  amounted  to  220,000,  while  the  Federal  prisoners  in  confederate  hands 


9 


* 


amounted  to  270,000.  Out  of  the  270,000  in  confederate  hands  22,000  died,  while  of 
the  220,000  confederates  in  Federal  hands  over  26,000  diet!.  The  ratio  is  this  : More 
than  12  per  cent,  of  the  confederates  in  Federal  hands  died,  and  less  than  9 percent, 
of  the  Federals  in  confederate  hands  died.  What  is  the  logic  of  these  facts  according 
to  the  gentleman  from  Maine  ? I scorn  to  charge  murder  upon  the  officials  of  north- 
ern prisons,  as  the  gentleman  has  done  upon  confederate  prison  officials.  I labor  to 
demonstrate  that  such  miseries  are  inevitable  in  prison  life,  no  matter  how  humane 
the  regulations.  I would  scorn,  too,  to  use  a newspaper  article,  unless  it  were  signed 
by  one  who  gave  his  own  name  and  whose  statement,  if  not  true,  can  be  disproved, 
and  I would  "believe  such  a one  in  preference  to  any  politician  over  there  who  was 
thirty-six  miles  away  from  Elmira.  That  gentleman,  so  prompt  to  contradict  a 
surgeon,,  might  perhaps  have  smelled  the  small  pox  but  he  could  not  see  it,  and  I 
venture  to  say  that  if  he  knew  the  small-pox  was  there  he  would  have  taken  very 
good  care  to  keep  thirty-six  miles  away.  He  is  a wonderful  witness.  He  is  not 
even  equal  to  the  mutilated  evidence  brought  in  yesterday.  But.  sir,  it  appears 
from  the  official  record  that  the  confederates  came  from  Elmira,  from  Fort  Delaware 
and  from  Rock  Island,  and  other  places  with  their  fingers  frozen  off,  with  their  toes 
frozen  off,  and  with  teeth  dropped  out. 

But  the  great  question  is  behind.  Every  American,  North  or  South,  must  lament 
that  our  country  has  ever  impeached  its  civilization  by  such  an  exhibition  of  horrors 
on  any  side,  and  I speak  of  these  things  with  no  degree  of  pleasure.  God  knows  if 
1 could  hide  them  from  the  view  of  the  world  I would  gladly  do  it.  But  the  great 
question  is,  at  last,  who  was  responsible  for  this  state  of  things?  And  that  is  really 
the  only  material  question  with  which  statesmen  now  should  deal.  Sir,  it  is  well 
known  that,  when  the  war  opened,  at  first  the  authorities  of  the  United  States 
determined  that  they  would  not  exchange  prisoners.  The  first  prisoners  captured 
by  the  Federal  forces  were  the  crew  of  the  Savannah,  and  they  were  put  in  chains 
and  sentenced  to  be  executed.  Jefferson  Davis  hearing  of  this,  communicated 
through  the  lines,  and  the  confederates  having  meanwhile  also  captured  prisoners, 
he  threatened  retaliation  in  case  those  men  suffered,  and  the  sentences  against  the 
crew  of  the  Savannah  were  not  executed.  Subsequently  our  friends  from  this  way 
—I  believe  my  friend  before  me  from  New  York  [Mr.  Cox]  was  one — insisted  that 
there  should  be  a cartel  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners.  In  1862  that  cartel  was 
agreed  upon.  In  substance  and  briefly  it  was  that  there  should  be  an  exchange  of 
man  for  man  and  officer  for  officer,  and  whichever  held  an  excess  at  the  time  of 
exchange  should  parole  the  excess.  This  worked  very  well  until  1863.  I am  going 
over  the  facts  very  briefly. 

Mr.  STARKWEATHER.  I do  not  wish,  and  none  on  this  side  wishes  to  inter- 
rupt the  gentleman.  I believe  he  has  spoken  over  his  hour.  We  desire  that  he  shall 
speak  as  long  as  he  chooses,  but  we  wish  to  have  a free  discussion  and  want  a little 
time  on  this  side. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  from  Georgia  has  not  exhausted  his  hour  yet. 

Mr.  HILL.  T was  reciting  briefly  the  facts.  In  1863  this  cartel  was  interrup- 
ted; the  Federal  authorities  refused  to  continue  the  exchange.  Now  commenced 
a history  which  the  world  ought  to  know,  and  which  I hope  the  House  will  grant 
me  the  privilege  of  stating,  and  I shall  do  it  from  official  records.  This,  I say 
frankly  to  the  gentlemen  on  the  other  side,  was  in  truth  one  of  the  severe  t blows 
stricken  at  the  Confederacy,  this  refusal  to  exchange  prisoners  in  1863  and  con- 
tinued through  1S64.  The  Confederates  made  every  effort  to  renew  the  cartel. 
Among  other  things,  on  the  2d  of  July,  1863,  the  Vice-President  of  the  Confed- 
eracy, the  gentleman  to  whom  the  gentleman  from  Maine  [Mr  Blaine]  alluded  the 
other  day  in  so  complimentary  terms,  Mr.  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  was  absolutely 
commissioned  by  President  Davis  to  cross  the  lines  and  come  to  Washington  to  con 
suit  with  the  Federal  authorities,  with  a broad  commission  to  agree  upon  any  cartel 
satisfactory  to  the  other  side  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners.  Mr.  Davis  said  to  him, 
i,‘Your  mission  is  simply  one  of  humanity,  and  has  no  political  aspect.  ” Mr. 
Stephens  undertook  that  work.  What  was  the  result  ? I wish  to  be  careful,  and 
I will  state  this  exactly  correctly.  Here  is  his  letter  : 

Confederate  States  Steamer  Torpedo, 

In  James  River,  July  4,  1863. 

Sir:  ^\s  military  commissioner,  I am  the  bearer  of  a communication  in  writing  from  Jefferson 
Davis,  commander-in-chief  of  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  C nfederates  States,  to  Abraham 
Lincoln,  Commander-in-chief  of  the  land  and  naval  lorces  of  the  United  States.  H’on  Robert  Ould, 
Confederate  States  agent  of  exchange,  accompanies  me  as  secretary  , for  the  purpose  of  delivering 
the  communication  in  person  and  conferring  upon  the  subject  to  which  it  relates.  I desire  to  pro- 
ceed to  Washington  in  the  steamer  Torpedo,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Hunter  Davidson,  of  the 


10 


I 


Confederate  States  navy,  no  person  being  on  board  but  Hon.  Mr.  Ould,  myself,  and  the  boat’s 
officers  and  crew. 

Yours,  most  respectfully. 

ALEX.  H.  STEPHENS. 

To  S.  H.  Lee,  Admiral. 

This  was  directed  to  S.  H.  Lee,  admiral.  Here  is  the  answer: 


Acting  Rear-Admiral  S.  It.  Lee,  Hampton  Roads : 

The  request  of  Alexander  H.  Stephens  is  inadmissible.  * * * 

GIDEON  WELLES,  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

You  will  acknowledge  that  Mr.  Stephens’  humane  mission  failed.  The  Con- 
federate authorities  gave  to  that  mission  as  much  dignity  and  character  as  possible. 
They  supposed  that  of  all  men  in  the  South  Mr.  Stephens  most  nearly  had  your 
confidence.  They  selected  him  to  be  the  bearer  of  messages  for  the  sake  of  hu- 
manity in  behalf  of  the  brave  Federal  soldiers  who  were  unfortunately  prisoners 
of  war.  The  Federal  Government  would  not  even  receive  him;  the  Federal  au- 
thorities would  not  hear  him. 

What  was  the  next  effort?  After  Mr.  Stephens’  mission  failed,  the  commis- 
sioner for  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  Colonel  Ould,  having  exhau  ted  all  his  ef- 
forts to  get  the  cartel  renewed,  on  the  24th  January.  1864,  wrote  the  following 
letter  to  Major-General  E.  A.  Hitchcock,  agent  of  exchange  on  the  Federal  side  : 


Confederate  States  of  America,  War  Department., 

Richmond , Virginia , January  24,  1864. 

Sir:  In  view  of  the  difficulties  attending  the  exchange  and  release  <>i  prisoners,  I propose 
th*t  all  such  on  either  side  shall  be  atteia  'e  i by  a proper  numb'  r of  their  own  urgeons,  who.  un- 
der rules  to  be  established,  shall  be  permitted  to  take  charge  of  their  health  and  comfort.  I also 
propose  that  these  surgeons  shall  act  as  commis-aries,  with  p wer  to  receive  and  dis  ribute  such 
contributions  of  money,  food,  clothing,  and  medi  ines  as  may  be  forwarded  for  the  relief  of  the 
prisoners.  I further  propose  that  these  surgeons  shall  be  seiecied  by  their  own  government,  and 
that  they  6hall  have  full  liberty,  at  any  and  ab  times,  throngs  the  agents  of  exchange,  to  make 
reports  not  only  of  their  own  acts,  but  of  any  matters  relating  t the  w li'are  of  the  prisoners 
Respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

ROBERT  OULD,  Agent  of  Exchange. 

Major-General  E.  A.  HITCHCOCK,  Agent  of  Exchange. 


The  SPEAKER.  The  hour  of  the  gentleman  ha-  expired. 

Mr.  RANDALL  I move  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  be  allowed  to  proceed. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  I do  not  object;  but  before  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  pastes 
from  the  subject  upon  which  he  is  now  speaking.  I would  be  glad  io  know 

The  SPEAKER.  If  there  be  no  objection  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  will 
have  leave  to  proceed. 

There  was  no  objection. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  I believe  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  [Mr.  Hill]  was  a mem- 
ber of  the  Confederate  Senate.  I find  in  a historical  book  of  some  authenticity 
of  character  teat  in  the  Confederate  Congtess,  Senator  Hill,  of  Georgia, 
introduced  the  following  resolution,  relating  to  prisoners. 

Mr.  HILL.  You  are  putting  me  on  trial  now,  are  you?  Go  ahead. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  This  is  the  resolution. 


That  every  person  pretending  to  be  a soldier  or  officer  of  the  United  3 tat  s who  shall  be  captured 
on  the  soi  of  the  Confederate  States  after  the  1st  day  of  January,  18  3,  shall  be  presumed  to  have 
entered  the  territory  of  the  Confederat ; Stites  with  the  intent  to  incite  insurrection  and  abet 
murder;  and.  unless  satisfactory  proof  be  adduced  to  the  contrary  before  the  military  court 
before  which  the  trial  shall  be  had,  shall  suffer  death.  This  section  shall  continue  in  force  until 
the  proclamation  issued  by  Abraham  Lincoln,  dated  at  Washington  on  the  22d  day  of  September, 
1862,  shall  be  rescinded,  and  the  policy  therein  announced  shall  be  abandoned,  and  no  longer. 

Mr.  HILL.  I will  say  to  the  gentleman  from  Maine  very  frankly  that  I have 
not  the  slightest  recollection  of  ever  hearing  that  resolution  before. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  The  gentleman  does  not  deny,  however,  that  he  was  theau 
thor  of  it?  4 

Mr.  HILL.  I do  not  know.  My  own  impression  is  that  I was  not  the  author; 
but  I do  not  pretend  to  re*collect  the  circumstances.  Jf  the  gentleman  can  give 
me  the  circumstances  under  which  the  resolution  was  introduced,  they  might  re- 
call the  ipatte  • to  my  mind. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  Allow  me  to  read  further  : 

October  1, 1862— The  judiciary  committee  of  the  confederate  congress  made  a report  and  of- 
fered a set  ot  resolutions  upon  the  subject  of  President  Lincoln’s  proclamation,  from  which  thef  1- 
lowing  are  extracts: 

2.  t-  very  white  person  who  shall  act  as  a commissioned  or  non  commissioned  officer  command- 
ing negroes  or  mulattoes  against  the  Confederate  States,  or  who  shall  arm,  organize,  train,  or 
prepare  negroes  or  mulattoes  for  military  service,  or  aid  them  in  any  military  enterprise  against 
the  Confederate  States,  shall,  if  captured,  suffer  death. 

3.  Every  commissioned  or  non-comraissioaed  officer  of  the  enemy  who  shall  incite  slaves  to  re- 


11 


bellion,  or  pretend  to  give  them  freedom  tinder  the  aforementioned  act  of  Congress  and  proclama- 
tion, by  abducting  or  causing  them  to  be  abducted  or  inducing  them  to  abscond,  shall,  if  captured; 
suffer  death. 

Thereupon  Senator  Hill,  of  Georgia,  is  recorded  as  having  offered  the  resolu- 
tion I have  read. 

Mr.  HILL.  I was  Chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Committee  of  the  Senate 

Mr.  BLAINE.  And  this  resolution  came  directly  from  that  committee  ? 

Mr  HILL.  It  is  very  probable  that,  Jike  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
the  Rules  at  the  last  session,  I may  have  consented  to  that  report.  [Langhter.] 

Mr.  BLAINE.  The  gentleman  then  admits  that  he  did  make  that  report  ? 

Mr.  HILL.  I really  do  not  remember  it.  I think  it  very  likely. 

A Member,  (to  Mr.  Blaine.)  What  is  the  book? 

Mr.  BLAINE.  The  book  from  which  I have  read  is  entitled  “Republicanism 
in  America,”  by  R.  Guy  McClellan.  It  appears  to  be  a book  of  good  credit  and 
authenticity.  I merely  want  it  settled  whether  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  was 
or  was  not  the  author  of  that  resolution. 

Mr.  HILL.  I say  to  the  gentleman  frankly  that  I really  do  not  remember. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  The  gentleman  does  not  say  he  was  not  the  author. 

Mr.  HILL.  I do  not.  I will  say  this;  I think  I was  not  the  author.  Possibly 
I reported  the  resolution.  It  refers  in  terms  to  “pretended,”  not  real  soldiers. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  I thought  that  inasmuch  as  the  gentleman’s  line  of  argument 
was  to  show  the  character  of  the  Confederate  policy,  this  might  aid  him  a little  in 
calling  up  the  facts  pertinent  thereto.  [Laughter  and  applause.] 

Mr.  HILL.  With  all  due  deference  to  the  gentleman,  I reply  he  did  not  think 
any  such  thing.  He  thought  he  would  divert  me  from  the  purpose  of  my  argu- 
ment and  break  its  force  by 

Mr.  BLAINE.  Oh  no. 

Mr.  HILL.  He  thought  he  would  get  up  a discussion  about  certain  measures 
presented  in  the  Confederate  Congress  having  no  relation  to  the  subject  now 
under  discussion,  but  which  grew  out  of  the  peculiar  relation  of  the  Southern 
S'atestoa  population  then  in  servitude — a population  which  the  Confederate  Gov- 
ernment feared  might  be  incited  to  insurrection — and  measures  were  doubtless 
proposed  which  the  Confederate  Government  may  have  thought  it  proper  to  take 
to  protect  helpless  women  and  children  in  the  South  from  insurrection.  But  I 
shall  not  allow  myself  to  he  diverted  by  the  gentleman  to  go  either  into  the  history 
of  slavery  or  of  domestic  insurrection,  or,  as  a friend  near  me  suggests,  “John 
Brown’s  raid.”  I know  this,  that  if  I or  any  gentlemen  on  the  committee  was 
the  author  of  that  resolution,  which  I think  more  than  probable,  our  purpose  was 
not  to  do  injustice  to  any  man,  woman,  or  child  North  or  South,  but  to  adopt 
what  we  deemed  stringent  measures  within  the  laws  of  war  to  protect  our  wives 
and  children  from  servile  insurrection  and  slaughter  while  our  brave  sons  were  in 
the  front.  That  is  all,  sir. 

But,  sir,  I have  read  a letter  from  the  Confederate  Commissioner  of  exchange, 
written  in  1864,  proposing  that  each  side  send  surgeons  with  the  prisoners;  that 
they  nurse  and  treat  the  prisoners;  that  the  Federal  authorities  should  send  as 
many  as  they  pleased;  that  those  surgeons  be  commissioned  also  as  commissaries 
to  furnish  supplies  of  clothing  and  food  and  evervthfng  else  needed  for  the  com- 
fort of  prisoners. 

Now,  sir,  how  did  the  Federal  Government  treat  that  offer?  It  broke  the  cartel 
for  the  exchange  of  prisoners;  it  refused  to  entertain  a proposition,  even  when 
Mr.  Stephens  headed  the  commission,  to  renew  it;  and  then,  sir,  when  the  Confede- 
rates proposed  that  their  own  surgeons  should  accompany  the  prisoners  of  the  re- 
spective armies,  the  Federal  authorities  did  not  answer  the  letter.  No  reply  was 
ever  received. 

Then,  again,  in  August,  1864,  the  Confederates  made  two  more  propositions.  I 
will  state  that  the  cartel  of  exchange  was  broken  by  the  Federal  authorities  for  cer- 
tain alleged  reasons.  Well,  in  August,  1864,  prisoners  accumulating  on  both  sides 
to  such  an  extent,  and  the  Federal  Government  having  refused  every  proposition 
from  the  Confederate  authorities  to  provide  for  the  comfort  and  treatment  of  these 
prisoners,  the  Confederates  next  proposed,  in  a letter  from  Colonel  Ould,  dated 
the  10th  of  August,  1864,  waiving  every  objection  the  Federal  Government  had 
made,  to  agree  to  any  and  all  terms  to  renew  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  man  for 
man  and  officer  for  officer,  as  the  Federal  Government  should  prescribe.  Yet,  sir, 
the  latter  rejected  that  proposition.  It  took  a second  letter  to  bring  an  answer  to 
that  proposition. 


UNIVERSITY  05 
ILLINOIS  LI3RARY 


12 


Then,  again,  in  that  same  month  of  August,  1864,  the  Confederate  authorities 
did  this:  Finding  that  the  Federal  Government  would  not  exchange  prisoners  at 
all,  that  it  would  not  let  surgeons  go  into  the  Confederacy;  finding  that  it  would 
not  let  medicines  be  sent  into  the  Confederacy;  meanwhile  the  ravages  of  war  con- 
tinuing and  depleting  the  scant  supplies  of  the  South,  which  was  already  unable  to 
feed  adequately  its  own  defenders,  and  much  less  able  to  properly  feed  and  clothe 
the  thousands  of  prisoners  in  Confederate  prisons,  what  did  the  Confederates  pro- 
pose? They  proposed  to  send  the  Federal  sick  and  wounded  prisoners  without 
equivalent.  Now,  sir,  I want  the  House  and  the  country  to  understand  this:  that 
in  August,  1864,  the  Confederate  Government  officially  proposed  to  Federal  au- 
thorities that  if  they  would  send  steamships  or  transportation  in  any  form  to  Sa- 
vannah, they  should  have  rheir  sick  and  wounded  prisoners  without  equivalent. 

That  proposition,  communicated  to  the  Federal  authorities  in  August,  1864,  wa& 
not  answered  until  December,  1864.  In  December,  1864,  the  Federal  Government 
sent  ships  to  Savannah.  Now,  the  records  will  show  that  the  chief  suffering  at 
Andersonville  was  between  August  and  December.  The  Confederate  authorities 
sought  to  avert  it  by  asking  the  Federal  Government  to  come  and  take  its  prisoners 
without  equivalent,  without  return,  and  it  refused  to  do  that  until  four  or  five 
months  had  elapsed. 

That  is  not  the  only  appeal  which  was  made  to  the  Federal  Government  I now 
call  the  attention  of  the  House  to  another  appeal.  It  was  from  the  Federal  priso- 
ners themselves.  They  knew  as  well  as  the  Southern  people  did  the  mission  of 
Mr.  Stephens.  They  knew  the  offer  of  January  24,  for  surgeons,  for  medicine  and 
clothing,  for  comforts  and  food,  and  for  provisions  of  every  sort.  They  knew  that 
the  Confederate  authorities  had  ottered  to  let  these  be  sent  to  them  by  their  own 
Government  They  knew  that  had  been  rejected.  They  knew  of  the  offer  of 
August  10,  1864.  They  knew  of  the  other  offer,  to  return  sick  and  wounded  with- 
out an  equivalent.  They  knew  ail  these  offers  had  been  rejected.  Therefore 
they  held  a meeting  and  passed  the  following  resolutions;  and  I call  the  attention 
of  the  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  to  these  resolutions.  I ask  if  they  will  not  be- 
lieve the  surgeons  of  their  hospitals;  if  they  will  not  believe  Mr.  Stanton’s  report, 
if  they  will  not  believe  Surgeon-General  Barnes’s  report,  I beg  from  them  to  know 
if  they  will  not  believe  the  earnest,  heart-rending  appeal  of  those  starving,  suffer- 
ing heroes?  Here  are  the  resolutions  passed  by  the  Federal  prisoners  the  28th  of 
September,  1864. 

Resolved,  That  while  allowing  the  Confederate  authorities  all  due  praise  for  the  attention  paid  to 
our  prisoners,  numbers  of  our  men  are  daily  consigned  to  early  graves,  in  the  prime  of  manhood, 
far  from  home  and  kindred  and  this  is  not  caused  intentionally  by  the  Confederate  Government, 
but  by  the  force  of  circumstances. 

Brave  men  are  always  honest,  and  true  soldiers  never  slander.  They  say  the 
horrors  they  suffered  were  not.  intentional,  that  the  Confederate  Government  had 
done  all  it  could  to  avert  them.  Sir,  I believe  this  testimony  of  gallant  men  as 
being  of  the  highest  character,  coming  from  the  sufferers  themselves. 

They  further  resolved : 

The  Prisoner  is  obliged  to  go  without  shelter,  and  in  a great  portion  of  cases  without  medi- 
cine. 

Resolved, .That  whereas  in  the  fortune  of  wav  it  was  our  lotto  become  prisoners.  We  have 
suffered  patiently, and  are  still  willing  to  suffer,  if  by  so  doing  we  can  benefit  the  country;  but 
we  would  most  respectfully  beg  to  say  that  we  are  not  willing  to  suffer  to  further  the  ends  of  any 

Sarty  or  clique  to  the  detriment  of  our  own  honor,  our  families,  and  our  country-  And  we  would 
eg  this  affair  be  explained  to  uw,  that  we  may  continue  to  hold  the  Government  in  the  respect 
which  is  necessary  to  make  a good  citizen  and  soldier. 

Was  this  touching  appeal  heeded?  Let  any  gentleman  who  belonged  to  the 
“ clique  or  party”  that  the  resolutions  condemn  answer  for  his  party. 

Now,  sir,  it  was  in  reference  to  that  state  of  things,  exactly  that  Dr  Jones  re- 
ported, as  I have  already  read  to  the  House,  in  his  report  which  was  mutilated  be- 
fore that  Committee  of  Congress  and  in  the  trial  of  Wirz — it  was  in  consequence  * 

of  that  very  state  of  things  that  Dr.  Jones  said  that  depression  of  mind  and  de- 
spondency and  home-sickness  of  these  poor  prisoners  carried  more  to  their  graves 
than  did  physical  causes  of  disease.  That  was  not  wonderful  at  all- 

But  Mr.  Speaker,  why  were  all  these  appeals  resisted?  Why  did  the  Federal 
authorities  refuse  to  allow  their  own  surgeons  to  go  with  their  own  soldiers,  and 
carry  them  medicine  and  clothing  and  comfort  and  treatment?  W by?  Why  did 
they  refuse  to  exchange  man  for  man  and  officer  for  officer?  Why  did  they  refuse 
to  stand  up  to  their  own  solemn  engagements,  made  in  1862,  for  the  exchange  of 
prisoners?  Who  is  at  fault  ? There  must  be  a reason  for  this.  That  is  the  next 
point  to  which  I wish  to  call  the  attention  of  the  House.  Sir,  listen  to  the  reading. 


IS 


The  New  York  Tribune,  referring  to  this  matter  in  1864,  said — I suppose  you  wtli 
believe  the  Tribune  in  1864,  if  you  do  not  believe  it  now: 

In  August  the  rebels  offered  to  renew  the  exchange  man  for  man.  General  Grant  th0n  tele- 
graphed the  following  important  order:  It  is  hard  on  our  men  held  in  southern  prisons” not  to 
exchange  them,  but  it  Is  humanity  to  those  left  in  the  ranks  to  fight  our  battles.  Every  man  re- 
leased  on  parole  or  otherwise  becomes  an  active  soldier  against  us  at  once,  either  directly  or  in  • 
directly.  If  we  commence  a system  of  exchange  which  liberates  all  prisoners  taken,  we  will 
have  to  fight  on  till  the  whole  South  is  exterminated*  If  we  hold  those  caught,  they  amount  to 
no  more  than  dead  men.  At  this  particular  time  to  release  all  rebel  prisoners  North  would  is 
sure  Sherman’s  defeat  and  would  compromise  our  safety  here. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  What  date  is  that? 

Mr.  HILL.  Eighteen  hundred  and  sixty- four. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  What  date  m that  year? 

Mr.  HILL.  Ido  not  note  the  day  or  month.  I have  read  the  telegram  which 
is  taken  from  the  New  York  Tribune,  after  August,  1864. 

Here  is  General  Grant’s  testimony  before  the  Committee  on  the  exchange  of 
prisoners,  February  11,  1865.  You  believe  him,  do  you  not? 

Question.  It  has  been  said  that  we  refused  to  exchange  prisoners  because  we  found  ours 
starved,  diseased,  and  unserviceable  when  we  received  them,  and  did  not  like  to  exchange  sound 
men  for  such  men. 

That  was  the  question  propounded  to  him.  His  answer  was: 

Answer.  There  never  has  been  any  such  reason  as  that.  That  has  been  a reason  for  making 
exchanges.  I will  confess  that  if  our  men  who  are  prisoners  in  the  South  were  really  well  taken 
care  of,  suffering  nothing  except  a little  privation  of  liberty,  then,  in  a military  point  of  view,  it 
would  not  be  good  policy  for  us  to  exchange,  because  every  man  they  got  back  is  forced  right  into 
the  army  at  once,  while  th  d is  not  the  case  with  our  prisoners  when  we  receive  them;  in  fact,  the 
half  of  our  returned  prisouers  will  never  go  into  the  Army  again,  and  none  of  them  will  until  after 
they  have  had  a furlough  of  thirty  or  sixty  days  Still,  the  fact  of  their  suffering  as  they  do  is  a 
reason  for  making  this  exchange  is  rapidly  as  possible. 

Q.  And  never  has  been  a reason  for  not  making  the  exchange? 

A,  It  never  has.  Exchanges  having  been  suspended  by  reason  of  disagreement  on  the  par  of 
agents  of  exchange  on  both  sides  before  I came  in  command  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States,  and 
it  then  being  near  the  opening  of  the  spring  campaign  I did  not  deem  it  advisable  or  just  to  the 
men  who  had  to  fight  our  battles  to  reinforce  the  enemy  with  tbir  y or  forty  thouasnd  disciplined 
troops  at  that  time.  An  immediate  resumption  of  exchange  would  have  had  that  effect 
withou  giving  us  corresponding  benefits.  The  suffering  said  to  exist  among  our  pris- 
oners South  was  a powerful  argument  against  the  course  pursued,  and  so  I felt  it. 

There  is  no  disputing  the  fact  that,  with  the  knowledge  that  his  prisoners  were 
suffering  in  the  South,  he  insisted  that  the  exchange  should  not  be  renewed,,  be- 
cause it  would  increase  the  military  power  of  the  enemy.  Now,  that  may  have 
been  a good  military  reason.  I do  not  quote  it  for  the  purpose  of  reflecting  upou 
General  Grant  in  the  slightest.  I am  giving  the  facts  of  history.  I insist  that  the 
Confederacy  shall  not  be.  held  responsible  for  the  results  of  the  war  x>oliey  of  the 
Federal  Government,  especially  when  the  record  proves  that  the  Confederate 
authorities  made  every  possible  effort  to  avert  these  results.  Nor  do  I allege  inhu- 
manity on  the  part  of  General  Grant  or  the  Federal  Government.  I give  you  the 
facts,  and  I have  given  you  General  Grant’s  interpretation  of  those  facts.  Let  the 
world  judge. 

Now,  sir,  we  have  other  authority  upon  that  subject.  Here  is  a letter  by  Ju- 
nius Henri  Browne.  1 do  not  know  the  gentleman.  He  signs  his  name  to  the 
letter.  He  writes  like  a scholar.  He  is  a northern  gentleman,  and  I am  not 
aware  that  his  statement  has  ever  been  contradicted.  Now,  what  does  he  say: 

New  York,  August  8,  1866. 

Moreover,  General  Butler,  in  his  speech  at  Lowell,  Massachusetts,  stated  positively 
that  he  had  been  ordered  by  Mr.  Stanton  to  put  forward  the  negro  question  to  complicate 
and  prevent  the  exchange.'  * * * Every  one  is  aware  that  when  the  exchange 

did  take  place  not  the  slightest  alteration  had  occurred  in  the  question,  and  that  our 
prisoners  might  as  well  have  been  released  twelve  or  eighteen  months  before  as  at  the 
resumption  of  the  cartel,  which  would  have  saved  to  the  Republic  at  least  twelve  or  fif- 
teen thousand  heroic  lives. 

That  they  were  not  saved  is  due  alone  to  Edwin  M.  Stanton’s  peculiar  policy  and  dog- 
ged obstinacy;  and,  as  I have  remarked  before,  he  is  unquestionably  the  digger  of  the  un- 
named graves  that  crowd  the  vicinity  of  every  southern  prison  with  historic  and  never  to 
be  forgotten  horrors. 

That  is  the  testimony  of  a northern  man  against  Mr.  Stanton:  And  he  goes  on: 

I regret  the  revival  of  this  painful  subject,  but  the  gratuitous  effort  of  Mr.  Dana  to 
relieve  the  Secretary  of  War  from  a responsbiilty  he  seems  willing  to  bear,  and  which 
merely  as  a question  of  policy  independent  of  all  considerations  of  humanity  must  be  re- 
garded as  of  great  weight,  has  compelled  me  to  vindicate  myself  from  the  charge  of  mak 
fng  grave  statements  without  due  consideration. 

Once  for  all,  let  me  declare  that  I have  never  found  fault  with  any  one  because  I was 
detained  in  prison,  for  I am  well  aware  that  that  was  a matter  in  which  no  one  but  myself 
and  possibly  a few  personal  friends  would  feel  any  interest;  that  mv  sole  motive  for  im- 
peaching the  Secretary  of  War  was  that  the  people  of  the  loyal  North  might  know  to 


14 


wnom.  they  were  indebted  tor  the  cold-blooded  and  needless  sacrifice  of  their  fathers  and 
brothers,  their  husbands  and  their  sons. 

I understand  that  Mr.  Browne  is  a contributer  to  Harper’s  Monthly,  and  was 
then.  The  man,  so  he  tells  you,  who  was  responsible  for  these  atrocities  at  An- 
derson ville , was  the  late  Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  Stanton. 

Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  what  have  I proven?  I have  proven  that  the  Federal  au- 
thorities broke  the  cartel  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  deliberately;  I have  pro- 
ven that  they  refused  to  re-open  that  cartel  when  it  was  proposed  by  Mr.  Stephens, 
as  a commissioner,  solely  on  the  ground  of  humanity;  T have  proven  that  they 
made  medicine  contraband  of  war,  and  thereby  left  the  South  to  the  dreadful  ne- 
cessity of  treating  their  own  prisoners  with  such  - medicine  as  could  be  improvised 
in  the  Confederacy;  I have  proven  that  they  refused  to  allow  surgeons  of  their 
own  appointment,  of  their  own  Army,  to  accompany  their  prisoners  in  the  South, 
with  full  license  and  liberty  to  carry  food,  medicine,  and  raiment,  and  every  com- 
fort that  the  prisoners  might  need;  I have  proven  that  when  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment made  the  pretext  for  interrupting  the  cartel  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners, 
the  Confederates  yielded  every  point  and  proposed  to  exchange  prisoners  on  the 
terms  of  the  Federal  Government,  and  that  the  latter  refused  it;  I have  proven  that 
the  Confederates  then  proposed  to  return  the  Federal  sick  and  wounded  without 
equivalent  in  August,  1864,  and  never  got  a reply  until  December,  1864;  1 have 
proven  that  high  Federal  officers  gave  as  the  reason  why  they  would  not  exchange 
prisoners  that  it  would  be  humanity  to  the  ^prisoners  but  cruelty  to  the  soldiers  in 
the  field,  and  therefore  it  was  a part  of  the  Federal  military  policy,  to  let  Federal 
prisoners  suffer  rather  than  that  the  Confederacy  should  have  an  increase  of  its 
military  force,  and  the  Federal  Government  refused  it,  when  by  such  exchange  it 
would  have  received  more  prisoners  than  it  returned  to  the  Confederates. 

Now,  what  is  the  answer  to  all  this?  Against  whom  does  the  charge  lie,  if  there 
are  to  be  accusations  of  any,  for  the  horrors  of  Andersonville? 

Mr.  BRIGHT.  What  was  the  percentage  of  deaths  in  the  prisons? 

Mr.  HILL.  I have  already  given  it.  I have  proved  also  that,  with  ail  the  hor- 
rors at  Andersonville,  the  gentleman  from  Maine  has  so  ostentatiously  paraded,  and 
for  an  obvious  partisan  purpose  of  exciting  upon  this  floor  a bitter  sectional  discus- 
sion, from  which  his  party,  and  perhaps  himself,  may  be  the  beneficiary,  greater 
s offerings  occurred  in  the  prisons  where  Confederate  soldiers  were  confined,  and 
that  the  percentage  of  death  was  3 per  cent,  greater  among  Confederate  troops  in 
Federal  hands  than  among  Federal  soldiers  held  by  the  Confederates.  And  I need 
not  state  the  contrast  between  the  needy  Confederacy  and  the  abundance  of  Fed- 
eral supplies  and  resources. 

Now,  sir,  when  the  gentleman  rises  again  to  give  breath  to  that  effusion  of  un- 
mitigated genius  without  fact  to  sustain  it,  in  which  he  says: 

And  I here,  before  God,  measuring  my  words,  knowing  their  full  extent  and  import,  de- 
clare that  neither  the  needs  of  the  Duke  of  Alva  in  the  Low  Countries,  nor  tne  mas- 
sacre of  saint  Bartholomew,  nor  the  thumb  screws  and  engines  of  torture  of  the  Spanish 
Inquisition,  begin  to  compare  in  atrocity  with  the  hideous  crime  of  Andersonville. 

Let  him  add  that  the  mortality  at  Andersonville  and  other  Confederate  prisons  . 
falls  short  by  more  than  3 per  cent,  the  mortality  in  Federal  prisons. 

Sir,  if  any  man  will  reflect  a moment  lie  will  see  that  there  was  reason  why  the 
Confederate  Government  should  desire  exchange  of  prisoners.  It  was  scarce  of  food, 
pinched  for  clothing,  closed  up  with  a blockade  of  its  ports;  it  needed  troops;  its 
ranks  were  thinning. 

Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  is  proper  that  I should  read  one  or  two  sentences  from 
the  man  who  has  been  arraigned  as  the  vilest  murderer  in  history.  After  the  bat- 
tles around  Richmond,  in  which  McClellan  was  defeated,  some  ten  thousand  pris- 
oners fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Confederacy.  Victory  had  perched  upon  its  stand- 
ard, and  the  rejoicing  naturally  following  victory  was  heard  in  the  ranks  of  the 
Confederate  army,  Mr.  Davis  went  out  to  make  a gratulatory  speech.  Now, 
gentlemen  of  the  House,  gentlemen  of  the  other  side,  if  you  are  willing  to  do  jus 
tice,  let  me  simply  call  your  attention  to  the  words  of  this  man  that  then  fell  from 
his  lips  in  the  hour  of  victory.  Speaking  to  the  soldiers,  he  said: 

You  are  fighting  for  all  that  is  dearest  to  man;  and,  though  opposed  to  a foe  who  dis- 
regards many  of  the  usages  of  civilized  war,  your  humanity  to  the  wounded  and  prisoners 
was  a fit  and  crowning  glory  to  your  valor. 

Above  the  victory,  above  every  other  consideration,  even  that  victory  which 
they  believed  insured  protection  to  their  homes  and  families,  he  tells  them  that  at 
last  their  crowning  glory  was  their  humanity  to  the  wounded  and  prisoners  who 
bad  fallen  into  their  hands. 


16 


The  gentleman  from  Maine  yesterday  introduced  the  Richmond  Examiner  as  a 
witness  in  his  behalf.  Now  it  is  a rule  of  law  that  a man  cannot  impeach  his  own 
witness.  It  is  true  the  Examiner  hated  Mr.  Davis  with  a cordial  hatred.  The 
gentleman  could  not  have  introduced  the  testimony  of  perhaps  a bitterer  foe  to 
Mr.  Davis.  Why  did  it  hate  him?  Here  are  its  reasons:  uThe  chivalry  and  hu- 
manity of  Jefferson  Davis  will  inevitably  ruin  the  Confederacy.”  That  is  your 
witness,  and  the  witness  is  worthy  of  your  cause.  You  introduced  the  witness  to 
prove  Mr.  Davis  guilty  of  inhumanity,  and  he  tells  you  that  the  humanity  of  Mr, 
Davis  will  ruin  the  confederacy.  That  is  not  all.  In  the  same  paper  it  says: 
“The  enemy  have  gone  from  one  unmanly  cruelty  to  another.”  Recollect,  this  is 
your  witness.  “The  enemy  have  gone  from  one  unmanly  cruelty  to  another.” 
Encouraged  by  their  impunity  till  they  are  now  and  have  for  some  time  been  inflict- 
ing on  the  people  of  this  country  the  worst  horrors  of  barbarous  and  uncivilized 
war.”  Yet  in  spite  of  all  this  the  Examiner  alleged  “Mr.  Davis  in  his  dealing 
with  the  enemy  was  as  gentle  as  a sucking  dove.” 

Mr.  GARFIE  LD.  What  volume  is  that  ? 

Mr.  HILL.  The  same  volume,  page  531,  and  is  taken  from  the  Richmond  Ex- 
aminer— the  paper  the  gentleman  quoted  from  yesterday.  And  that  is  the  truth. 
Those  of  us  who  were  there  at  the  time  know  it  to  be  the  fact.  One  of  the  persis- 
tent charges  brought  by  that  paper  and  some  others  against  Mr.  Davis  was  his 
humanity.  Over  and  over  again  Mr.  Davis  has  been  heard  to  say,  and  I use  his 
very  language,  when  applied  to  to  retaliate  for  the  horrors  inflicted  upon  our 
prisoners,  “ The  inhumanity  of  the  enemy  to  our  prisoners  can  be  no  justification 
for  a disregard  by  us  of  the  rules  of  civilized  war  and  of  Christianity.”  Therefore 
he  persisted  in  it,  and  this  paper  cried  out  against  him  that  it  would  ruin  the  con- 
federacy. 

I am  sure  I owe  this  House  an  apology  for  having  detained  it  so  long ; I shall 
detain  it  but  a few  moments  longer.  After  all,  what  should  men  do  who  really 
desire  the  restoration  of  peace  and  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  the  horrors  of  war  ? 
How  ought  they  to  look  at  this  question?  Sir,  war  is  always  horrible  ; war  always 
brings  hardships;  it  brings  death,  it  brings  sorrow,  it  brings  ruin,  it  brings  devasta- 
tion. And  he  is  unworthy  to  be  called  a statesman,  looking  to  the  pacification  of 
this  country,  who  will  parade  the  horrors  inseparable  from  war  for  the  purpose  of 
keeping  up  the  strife  that  produced  the  war. 

I do  not  doubt  that  I am  the  bearer  of  an  unwelcome  message  to  the  gentleman 
from  Maine  and  his  party.  He  says  that  there  are  confederates  in  this  body,  and 
that  they  are  going  to  combine  with  a few  from  the  North  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
trolling this  Government.  If  one  were  to  listen  to  the  gentleman  on  the  other 
side  he  would  be  in  doubt  whether  they  rejoiced  more  when  the  South  left  the 
Union,  or  regretted  most  when  the  South  came  back  to  the  Union  that  their  fath- 
ers helped  to  form,  and  to  which  they  will  forever  hereafter  contribute  as  much  of 
patriotic  ardor,  of  noble  devotion,  and  of  willing  sacrifice  as  the  constituents  of 
the  gentleman  from  Maine.  O,  Mr.  Speaker,  why  cannot  gentlemen  on  the  other 
side  rise  to  the  height  of  this  great  argument  of  patriotism?  Is  the  bosom  of  the 
country  always  to  be  torn  with  this  miserable  sectional  debate  whenever  a presi- 
dential election  is  pending?  To  that  great  debate  of  half  a century  before  seces- 
sion there  were  left  no  adjourned  questions.  The  victory  of  the  North  was  abso- 
lute, and  God  knows  the  submission  of  the  South  was  complete.  But,  sir,  we  have 
recovered  from  the  humiliation  of  defeat,  and  we  come  here  among  you  and  we  ask 
you  to  give  us  the  greetings  accorded  to  brothers  by  brothers.  We  propose  to  join 
you  in  every  patriotic  endeavor  and  to  unite  with  you  in  every  patriotic  aspiration 
that  looks  to  the  benefit,  the  advancement,  and  the  honor  of  every  part  of  our  com- 
mon country.  Let  us,  gentlemen  of  all  parties,  in  this  centennial  year  indeed  have 
a jubilee  of  freedom.  We  divide  with  you  the  glories  of  the  Revolution  and  of  the 
succeeding  years  of  our  national  Ike  before  that  unhappy  division — that  four  years’ 
night  of  gloom  and  despair — and  so  we  shall  divide  with  you  the  glories  of  all  the 
future. 

’*  Sir,  my  message  is  this  : There  are  no  confederates  in  this  House;  there  are  now 
no  confederates  anywhere ; there  are  no  confederate  schemes,  ambitions,  hopes,  de- 
sires, or  purposes  here.  But  the  South  is  here,  and  here  she  intends  to  remain. 
[Enthusiastic  applause.]  Go  on  and  pass  your  qualifying  acts,  trample  upon  the 
Constitution  you  have  sworn  to  support;  abnegate  the  pledges  of  your  fathers,  in- 
cite raids  upon  our  people,  and  multiply  your  infidelities  until  they  shall  be  like 
the  stars  of  heaven  or  the  sands  of  the  seashore,  without  number ; but  know  this, 
for  all  your  iniquities  the  South  will  never  again  seek  a remedy  in  the  madness  of 

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5 


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16 


another  secession.  [Continued  applause.]  We  are  here;  we  are  in  the  house  of 
our  fathers,  our  brothers  are  our  companions,  and  we  are  at  home  to  stay,  thank 
God.  [Much  applause.] 

We  come  to  gratify  no  revenges,  to  retaliate  no  wrongs,  to  resent  no  past  insults, 
to  re-open  no  strife.  We  come  with  a patriotic  .purpose  to  do  whatever  in  our  po- 
litical power  shall  lie  to  restore  an  honest,  economical,  and  constitutional  adminis- 
tration of  the  Government.  We  come  charging  upon  the  Union  no  wrongs  to  us. 
The  Union  never  wronged  us.  The  Union  has  been  an  unmixed  blessing  to  every 
section,  to  every  State,  to  every  man  of  every  color  in  America.  We  charge  all  our 
wrongs  upon  that  “ higher  law’'  fanaticism,  that  never  kept  a pledge  nor  obeyed  a 
law.  The  South  did  seek  to  leave  the  association  of  those  who,  she  believed,  would 
not  keep  fidelity  to  their  covenants  ; the  South  sought  to  go  to  herself ; but,  so  far 
from  having  lost  our  fidelity  for  the  Constitution  which  our  fathers  made,  when  we 
sought  to  go  we  hugged  that  Constitution  to  our  bosoms  and  carried.it  with  us. 

Brave  Union  men  of  the  North,  followers  of  Webster  and  Fillmore  , of  Clay 
and  Cass,  and  Douglass — you  who  fought  for  the  Union  for  the  sake  of  the  Union; 
you  who  ceased  to  fight  when  the  battle  ended  and  the  sword  was  sheathed — we 
have  no  quarrel  with  you,  whether  Republicans  or  Democrats.  We  felt  your 
heavy  arm  in  the  carnage  of  battle;  but  above  the  roar  of  the  cannon  we  heard 
your  voice  of  kindness,  calling,  “Brothers,  come  back!”  And  we  bear  witness  to 
you  this  day  that  that  voice  of  kindness  did  more  to  thin  the  Confederate  ranks  and 
weaken  the  Confederate  arm  than  did  all  the  artillery  employed  in  the  struggle. 
We  are  here  to  co-operate  with  you;  to  do  whatever  we  can,  in  spite  of  all  our  sor 
rows,  to  rebuild  the  Uniou;  to  restore  peace;  to  be  a blessing  to  the  country,  and 
to  make  the  American  Union  what  our  fathers  intended  it  to  be:  the  glorv  of 
America  and  a blessing  to  humanity. 

But  to  you,  gentlemen,  who  seek  still  to  continue  strife,  and  who,  not  satisfied 
with  the  sufferings  already  endured,  the  blood  already  shed,  the  waste  already 
committed,  insist  that  we  shall  be  treated  as  criminals  and  oppressed  as  victims, 
only  because  we  defended  our  convictions — to  you  we  make  no  concessions.  To 
you  who  followed  up  the  war  after  the  brave  soldiers  that  fought  it  had  made  peace 
and  gone  to  their  homes — to  you  we  have  no  concessions  to  offer.  Martyrs  owe  no 
apologies  to  tyrants.  And  while  we  are  ready  to  make  every  sacrifice  for  the 
Union,  even  secession,  however  defeated  and  humbled,  will  confess  no  sins  to 
fanaticism,  however  bigoted  and  exacting. 

Yet,  while  we  make  to  you  no  concession,  we  come  even  to  you  in  no  spirit  of 
revenge.  We  would  multiply  blessings  in  common  for  you  and  for  us.  We  have  but 
one  ambition,  and  that  is  to  add  our  political  power  to  the  patriotic  Union  men  of 
the  North  in  order  to  compel  fanaticism  to  obey  the  law  and  live  in  the  Union  ac 
cording  to  the  Constitution.  We  do  not  propose  to  compel  you  by  oaths,  for  you 
who  breed  strife  only  to  get  office  and  power  will  not  keep  oaths. 

Sir,  we  did  the  Union  one  great  wrong.  The  Union  never  wronged  the  South: 
but  we  of  the  South  did  to  the  Union  one  great  wrong ; and  we  come  as  far  as  we 
can,  to  repair  it.  We  wronged  the  Union  grievously  when  we  left  it  to  be  seized 
and  rent  and  torn  by  the  men  who  had  denounced  it  as  “ a covenant  with  hell  and 
and  a league  with  the  devil.”  We  ask  you,  gentlemen  of  the  republican  party,  to 
rise  above  all  your  animosities.  Forget  your  own  sins.  Let  us  unite  to  repair  the 
evils  that  distract  and  oppress  the  country.  Let  us  turn  our  backs  upon  the  past, 
and  let  it  be  said  in  the  future  that  he  shall  be  the  greatest  patriot,  the  truest  pa- 
triot, the  noblest  patriot,  who  shall  do  most  to  repair  the  wrongs  of  the  past  and 
promote  the  glories  of  the  future.  [Applause  on  the  floor  and  in  the  galleries.] 


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